Monday 9 December 2013

What if the IRA had never fired a shot?

What if the Provisional IRA and all other Republican paramilitaries had never fired a single shot, or planted a single bomb? Would the situation for the Catholic community in Ulster be better or worse today? I’m not posing this rhetorically, but as a point of discussion. Many will jump to respond that events such as Bloody Sunday render this game meaningless, worthless. Ulster Catholics would not, could not, and perhaps should not, have simply turned the other cheek. But whatever your take I only ask you to suspend it for a moment. We can be sure at least that this was not a logical impossibility, and not without historical precedent. For better or worse, it is not unknown of for humans to respond to intense violence and oppression with a stoical determination not to respond in kind.

Jumping straight to outcomes then, the important ones would seem to be twofold: death and politics. Assuming an absolute and unconditional commitment to non-violent protest by the entire Catholic community of Ulster, what might have been the outcome in these two areas?

First, deaths. Would there have been fewer casualties in the protestant community, less deaths of British soldiers and mainland British civilians? - undoubtedly. This is the unambiguous good news. No Claudy, La Mon House, or Enniskillen; no Newry or Warrenpoint; no Guildford or Birmingham, or Brighton Grand. All those people alive and intact today, assuming they hadn’t died since in a more peaceful manner. All those tears never shed, and hatreds not fomented.

What about fewer deaths in the Catholic community? This is more contentious. If you hold the ‘cycle of violence’ view then again yes, undoubtedly. Like the Tango, it takes two to create a cycle of violence. Every Catholic killed in a reprisal for an IRA shooting or bombing would presumably still be alive today, or represented by the children or grandchildren they never had. But as we've only asked Republicans to lay down their arms it's harder to gauge. Violence against the civil rights movement cannot be framed as ‘reprisal.’ That was prime-mover violence, original sin, and we have little reason to suppose it would have diminished if the Republican side had remained passive. Indeed the IRA liked to paint itself as the armed protector of the Catholic community. To whatever degree that was true, then perhaps some Catholics lives were in fact saved by the IRAs presence.

What about those killed by British soldiers? Would the British army have been in Ulster in the first place? Legend has it that they were first sent-in to protect the Catholic community. If this is true then it is possible to frame all violence by the British army as a response to Republican violence - the cycle again. It depends how much you believe the British army and British government were there as neutral peacemakers, maintainers of empire, or in cahoots with the loyalists.

Next, politics. For Ulster Catholics, would the political world of 2013 be better/worse/comparable if the IRA had never fired a shot? Would a body comparable to the current Northern Ireland Assembly have arisen without 30 years of bloodshed? Assuming it would have, would the Catholic hand be stronger or weaker on such an assembly? Would the treatment of Catholics as a class in Ulster - housing, education, job opportunity - be better or worse? How would the mutual opinions of a catholic and a protestant stranger differ today, sitting opposite on a Belfast bus? Would there be more or less fear, respect, suspicion?

While we can be sure things would not be the same as they are today, we can be equally sure that they would not be the same as 1969, either. Northern Ireland was not set in aspic, and the Troubles were not conducted in a vacuum. Britain and Ireland sit adjacent to a vibrant continent which itself underwent huge changes over this period - notably the collapse of dictatorships in Spain and Portugal, and the fall of Communism in the East. Much of this was achieved through political pressure, internal and external, rather than bullets and bombs.

And of course there is the EU itself. It’s not beyond possibility that it might have exerted greater pressure on Britain if Britain and the Loyalists had been the only belligerents. With the addition of IRA bombs however, perhaps it was easier for the British government to paint the whole thing as a war on terror - Britain under attack, rather than the rights of Irish nationalists. Could continental Europeans even discern the plight of the Catholic community through the fog of IRA incendiaries? God knows, most mainland Britons couldn't.

I stress again, I am not posing any of this rhetorically. I really haven’t a clue. But it's something that deserves thought. Hopefully Ulster has been through its worst pain and is safely on the other side. But the world is still full of comparable disputes. Anyone considering lending support to one party or another, materially or vocally, might do well to consider Ireland's case before pledging.

At this point one might ask, why the hell should the oppressed be the ones to lay down their arms, rather than the oppressors. I can only suggest, for reasons of pragmatism. The asymmetry of the forces involved in disputes like the Troubles make military victory all but impossible for the weaker side. War proper (though still deeply indecent) is a mutilation contest.  The aim is to out-mutilate the opponent - and victory to the last man standing. This necessarily requires a degree of material equality between combatants. Otherwise it's all over before you get a chance to call it war (you have to settle for calling it liberation.)

In situations like the Troubles, on the other hand, the imbalance of power makes this form of victory near-impossible. The IRA was never going to 'take' Belfast like Monty took Alamein. So they chose guerrilla warfare. This is tactically very different. Rather than out-mutilate the opposition to capture the castle, the guerrilla army uses arbitrary small-scale acts of violence in the hope that this will frighten the opposition into vacating the castle voluntarily.

I won't comment on the morality of such tactics, but permit me one observation about their strategic value. Consider that the IRA's explicit war aim was the dissolution of the province and reunification of Ireland. I don't want to rub salt, but this goal is no closer today than it was in 1969. Indeed Sinn Féin now participates in the governance of the very province it was fighting to dissolve. How does that stand-up as a victory for guerrilla warfare? Is there nothing others can learn from this?

Returning to the original question, for Ireland at least, both answers are awful. If we believe that comparable civil-rights could have been secured by the Catholic community without them taking-up arms, then thousands died for nothing. Alternatively, if we believe that these gains could not have been secured without Republican terror then we would have to conclude that intense violence is sometimes the only way for one group of humans to secure basic rights from another - in which case our whole species should hang its head in shame. My personal hope, without much confidence or evidence to support it, is that the first conclusion is true, grim as it is.

3 comments:

  1. Posted by Beansprout on December 10, 2013, 6:16 pm, in reply to "What if the IRA had never fired a shot?"

    A detailed and concise response, Martin. My less concise retort:

    0. The major factor delaying the peace was the British. One can argue about whether individual military actions by the IRA were constructive or justified morally, but one cannot deny that the campaign as a whole was a valuable bargaining chip when it finally came down to forcing the British to stop delaying the peace.

    1. You're presenting a false dichotomy, as you did in virtually the entirety of your original post. The question is not whether violence works to achieve either every goal or no goal... the question is whether any aspect of the IRA's armed campaign helped to further their political campaign as well.

    And to answer this question, I would say that the correlation between British willingness to finally sit down and negotiate and some of the IRA's most successful (both from a strategic and from a damage-to-valuable-property-not-civilians perspective) "violent" operations cannot be ignored, though the weight one ascribes to each event is of course subjective.

    So I don't think that Sinn Fein "watered down" their demands so much as managed to bring the IRA back to reality. It's purely a personal impression, but my impression is that Adams and McGuinness realised- correctly- that the future of the republican movement depended on a transition to totally political struggle, but that the IRA's military operations had to be a very important element of that transition, in terms of allowing negotiations to take place at all in the first place, in fact.

    2. As you say, it's impossible to say what impact even more mass civil disobedience might have had if employed exclusively by republicans in northern Ireland... but such movements are exceptionally difficult to organise and maintain, especially in a disenfranchised minority community -as the Catholic community was and is- in the north. They require a degree of mass solidarity that is very rare. So I think it's understandable that the republican campaign didn't consist entirely of non-violent means. Would I prefer an entirely non-violent campaign to succeed? Sure. Do I think it's possible in every circumstance? No. And frankly on a personal level I'd rather see oppressed people liberated by violent means than not liberated at all.

    (continues in next comment)

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  2. Posted by martin j on December 12, 2013, 2:26 pm, in reply to "Re: What if the IRA had never fired a shot?"

    Hello again,

    There's a lot here for me to deal with! Much of it comes down to historical knowledge, and I'm not honestly not best placed to guess Gerry Adams' mind-set in 1978.

    What I've chosen to pick-up on is the your perception of my 'slant' in this piece:

    "I consider your entire original post to be one long indirect lecture to oppressed people that "violence is not the answer".

    My angle in fact is to suggest that onlookers need to think very carefully before condoning violence, particularly when that violence might cause greater suffering to the people they aim to help. It's funny that this can be taken as patronising. Surely it's more patronising and irresponsible to be goading violence from one's selected group of 'others', when there's no risk of anything happening to you as goader. Standing on the side-lines shouting "go on David, throw the freaking stone!" when you can see full well that Goliath will like kick the crap out of David for doing so - surely that's the height of irresponsibility?

    It's interesting that you cite Vietnam as an example of violence being a 'very substantial part of the answer.' It's often heralded as a victory for the little guy against the imperialist monster. But look at the consequences of 'defeating' the USA. Millions dead. Most of the peninsula flattened. Cambodia turned into a basket case. And for what? For the Vietnam of 2013 to be a haven for western investment, another fantastic place to pay people peanuts to make our stupid products. Honestly, Nixon and Kissinger couldn't have dreamed of a better outcome. If that's the answer what the hell was the question?

    As an aside, do you mind me sticking this dialogue on my blog? It's not exactly what I was expecting, but it perhaps might serve some use. It’s certainly helped me clarify my original intentions.

    All the best,

    Martin


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  3. Hello again,

    I have indeed re-posted it in its entirety. I have no desire to manipulate anything we’ve written.

    I think your contempt and incredulity at my position is frankly OTT. An onlooker might think I was advocating violence rather than questioning it. My main crime seems to be undervaluing the sacrifices some have made for liberty. Perhaps I am, but I’m also confident that relatives of many of those killed would themselves be appalled to hear those deaths being framed as strategic - part of the struggle for a greater good. I know I would.

    I don’t know what a pseudo-pacifist is. I am a sort of pacifist, but with the common-sense caveat that if a given act of violence has a good chance of reducing a greater violence then it may be morally acceptable to support it. The problem with this caveat of course is that it requires judgement, and is prone to cynical exploitation - ‘humanitarian intervention’ being an obvious example. So while I might stand by the caveat I recognise what a Pandora’s box it can be. Not least, it cuts room for acts of vengeance. Revenge killing is surely a terrible thing. No strategic value, just stoking of reciprocal hatred. Yet once people take sides it’s tempting to paint all one’s side’s revenge killings as strategic but similar acts by one’s opponents as inhuman and indiscriminate.

    I imply that:

    “those freedom fighters who have employed violence against their violent occupiers, oppressers and torturers in the past were in some way actively harmful to their own people in doing so.”

    Sometimes yes, definitely. Without the twin-towers attack would Iraq and have been invaded? Bush needed an excuse. The despicable act in the West paved the way for numerous despicable acts in the East. Regardless of what the west had previously done to the Muslim world, would the whole world not be a better place if 911 hadn’t happened? If that observation makes me morally reprehensible then I’m happy to be so.

    ……………………………………

    “two separate things: Condoning violent resistance, and *encouraging* violence as a course of action.”

    The difference is less than you suggest. “throw the stone!” and “you were right to throw the stone!” are very similar, particularly when the subject under discussion is how we interpret past conflicts, and apply our findings to current ones.

    ……………………….

    “It was the US that wished to flatten the region”

    No they didn’t. They wanted it to comply. They preferred it flattened than self-determining. This is still morally reprehensible but very different to the sadistic simplification you are making.

    ……………………….

    “I'm with the Nuremberg tribunals on this issue: An invading power is *always* both legally and morally culpable for the consequences of invasion. The US was therefore responsible for *every* death in that conflict, and every resulting negative consequence to the region thereafter.”

    A fine principle for an overview of a war, but dreadful when you zoom-in. Revenge killers are still murderers in my books, and the ‘greater injustice’ can go to hell.

    ……………………………….

    “you attempt to foist at least some of the blame for the rape of South East Asia by the United States and western powers onto the shoulders of the Vietnamese resistance.”

    Putting words in my mouth. I cited it as an example where violent resistance against the tyrant may well have led to greater misery than compliance with the tyrant. That’s an observation. You are the one gluing value judgements onto it.

    All the best,

    Martin

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